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VOL. X ISSUE VIII AUGUST 2003

 

Other articles in this issue


Through new eyes
Bishakha Datta, Neela Kapadia & Vasudha Ambiye

Gender in the classroom
Shilpa Phadke

Designing classrooms to the needs of children
Vibha Krishnamurthy

Sexuality and Rights Institute
Geetanjali Misra, Radhika Chandiramani & Deeksha Vasundhra

Quilting the Net
Nandita Gandhi

Teaching literature
Eunice de Souza

Bollywood through pedagogy of crisis
Amit S Rai

Documenting the city
Shekhar Krishnan

Experiments in the Mohalla
Sameera Khan

Teaching secularism, combating communalism
Madhusree Dutta

Editorial

Refractive Index

Human Index


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The misuse of tolerance

Those who tolerate intolerance are guilty


In December 1995, in a judgement that Hindutva faithfuls hailed as a major victory, the Supreme Court exonerated the Shiv Sena’s Manohar Joshi of charges of soliciting votes in the name of religion. If they had cared to read the decision, they might not have cheered so much. Because while the Court found Joshi himself not guilty, it deplored the growing tendency to misuse religion for votes.
“It is indeed very unfortunate,” wrote the judges, that “if in spite of the liberal and tolerant features of Hinduism recognised in judicial decisions, these terms (‘Hindutva’ and ‘Hinduism’) are misused by anyone during elections to gain any unfair political advantage.” In particular, the judges reprimanded Joshi’s own political boss, Bal Thackeray, for his unique notion of electioneering: referring to Muslims as “laande” and “snakes.” This kind of language, they pointed out, amounted to promoting enmity between Hindus and Muslims on the grounds of religion.
We have laws to punish such promotion. In part, Section 153A of the Indian Penal Code says: “Whoever, by words either spoken or written, promotes or attempts to promote on grounds of religion disharmony, enmity, hatred and ill-will between different religions... shall be punished with imprisonment to three years or fine or both.” This was not the first time Thackeray had used such language. But he has never been punished under Section 153A.
Which is why the Supreme Court’s observation about tolerance and the misuse of Hinduism is so interesting. I’ve written about tolerance in this space before (April 2003). But here I want to explore a subtly different facet: the relationship, the tension, between tolerance and misuse. I mean, congratulations to the judiciary for recognising the essential tolerance of Hinduism. But what is the meaning of tolerance when it becomes a fig-leaf for the worst abuse? Is tolerance a virtue when intolerance abounds? Is tolerance not destroyed by unchecked intolerance?
“You must distinguish,” a woman told me gently as we talked about these themes, “between the people who do good in the name of religion and the people who misuse it.” Fine advice? Indeed, much good has come from religion: example, the liberal, tolerant ideas of Hinduism. But in the
end has that good been outweighed by the bad? More important, do those doing good bear a responsibility to check the bad? And if they don’t, are they guilty of misuse themselves?
Look at it this way: I might be the most virtuous, most tolerant soul in the world. But do I remain virtuous if I stand and watch – tolerate – a murder committed in front of me?
Like many things, religious tolerance doesn’t stand in isolation. When some of us openly use religion to incite hatred, the tolerant others don’t stay tolerant by staying silent. Instead, that silence makes them acquiesce in the crime. So whatever the judicial appreciation of the tolerant features of Hinduism, it means little without punishing those who disgrace it with their intolerance and incitement.
In a lot of ways, laws like Section 153A are the heart of our country’s secular character. They are supposed to nurture tolerance in a very important way: by weeding out and punishing criminal acts founded on intolerance. (After all, weeds kill the plants you want to nurture. That’s why you want to weed them out). If applied in that spirit, our laws are strong enough to prevent communal tensions.
But instead of being prevented and punished, communal hatreds have run very deep. Our history is pockmarked with riots. No doubt there are many reasons for such a climate. One, may I submit, is that we never apply Sections 153A and its legal cousins to those who offend them. (Bal Thackeray, for one, who now knows he can flout them at will). But also at fault, may I submit, are we who are content to sit in our cocoons of self-righteous tolerance, drawing our empty distinctions between good and bad, unwilling to do more than wring our hands over the misuse of our faiths, allowing them to be abused and tarnished – not just by the misuse, but by our own silence as well In the Joshi judgement, the judges went on to express “the fervent hope that our observation has some chastening effect in future election campaigns.” Their anguish over the misuse of terms like “Hindutva” and “Hinduism” is clear, as is their hope that it will not be repeated. But I would like to offer to the judges this thought: mere anguish and hope, by themselves, are pointless sentiment. They serve for very little. Absent more stringent action, like applying our penal laws where they must be applied, the misuse will continue and grow. As it has.
This is the dilemma that faces people who like to think of themselves as tolerant. That’s not enough any more. Because their religions are being dragged into intolerance and in that process, we are all responsible.
Because when you tolerate misuse, or misuse tolerance, you create and perpetuate intolerance. Then hatred. Then bloodshed.

Dilip D’Souza is a Mumbai-based writer

 

  

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by Dilip D'Souza

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