|
Teaching
is both a political act and process. The ideas chosen to be
highlighted and ignored, elucidated and obfuscated, appreciated
and censured and the issues, themes and histories that are opened
up/considered closed for discussion in the semi-public space of
the classroom confirm the presence of an endeavour that leads to
the construction of what one might call, ‘motivated
knowledges’[i].
Radical pedagogues like Ivan Illich (1983) have argued that more
often than not, formal education perpetuates the hierarchical
relations of power within a society and serves to systematically
reproduce social classes. Critical and feminist pedagogical
traditions have critiqued such status quo-ist modes of organising
and producing knowledge. Drawing inspiration from the work of
Brazilian pedagogue Paulo Freire (1973) who placed before us a
vision of education where both students and teachers work
collectively to question dominant ideologies and societally-approved
forms of knowledge-construction as well as one’s own
taken-for-granted value-systems and belief-models, scholars like
Henry Giroux (1994) have argued that critical pedagogy illuminates
the relationship between knowledge, authority and power. Critical
pedagogy as an interventionistic initiative thus debunks the idea
of neutral or apolitical education.
Over the years, many feminist scholars have tried to look at the
various ways in which socio-political determinants of gender and
class, race and religion have shaped and defined pedagogical
practices. Donna Haraway (1988) has, for instance, argued that all
constituted knowledge is “partial and situated”.
An active acknowledgement of such partial and situated knowledges
that the teacher as a facilitator-figure in the classroom helps
produce, makes it possible to create a space where different kinds
of knowledges and perspectives can be concurrently recognised and
explored: where the teacher and the student become partners in the
process of learning and un-learning.
In reality however, institutionalised syllabic formats that are
structured carefully (and not so carefully) around certain
ostensibly useful principles of teachability (and so also,
awkwardly enough a complementary learnability) contribute to a
pedagogy-profile that is uninspiringly mono-valent.
The necessity of therefore, composing and constructing
educational programmes as active initiatives which allow the
learner to access and recreate a network of informations and
insights in a manner that insists on a more dynamic interaction
between diverse disciplines, between knowledge systems that are
international and local and importantly enough between
experiential worlds that are global and personal therefore become
relevant. In other words, such critical pedagogical practices
would help stimulate the questioning of the various givens of
received wisdom as well as excite the student to extend a spirited
enquiry into her own life. A critical feminist pedagogy then would
place an accent on examining the provisionality of identity
construction – its dependence on the variables of location and
language, class and race and religion.
This is however an ideal proposition. The education system as it
stands often poses barriers to the attainment of such
democratically composed ‘classrooms’. Among several factors,
the fact that teachers are expected to ‘grade’ students imbues
them with an authority that becomes an almost insurmountable
obstacle.
Also, large classes with defined course structures tend to be
antithetical to the more intimate demands of critical feminist
pedagogy. The micro-workshop group model, on the other hand, lends
itself to programmes where readings can be chosen in collaboration
with students and discussions can inspire personalised meditations
on themes and issues. Conflicts of opinion, which arise
inadvertently in such informalised initiatives, become
opportunities not to arrive at the definitive truth at the core of
an issue but to explore differences of responses and assemble an
assessed network of perspectives in the process.
As a teacher at an undergraduate college, I have had the
opportunity to examine closely the various cross-role negotiations
between instructors and students. The various ways in which
knowledges are produced and consumed in the context of the
classroom and the relationship of what one might facetiously call
such ‘information-flows’ within the larger institutional
apparatus of the educational system (examinations et al) does not
but make one feel that the modes of judging students are sometimes
not only outdated but are also inimical to the all-important
participatory process of knowledge-generation.
Since 1997, I have conducted workshops and reading-discussion
groups on a variety of themes ranging from Feminism and its key
texts, Development studies and its debates, to the Partition of
India and the History and Philosophy of Science. Running through
all of these discussions has been my own political conviction and
agenda of integrating a gender-inquiry into every act of
socio-historical cultural analysis. Being careful about not being
mono-perspectival however, one has to be constantly aware that
gender is only one of the several central axes to offer
perspectives to analyse social phenomena. And that it is crucial
to understand the various modes by which issues and experiences of
gender, class, caste, religion, ethnicity and sexual orientation
among several others intersect each other along multiple planes so
that a more substantial appreciation of the event or experience
under study can be secured.
Working with groups of under-graduates and grappling with ideas
along with students is both a fulfilling and challenging exercise.
More recently however, my conversations with younger school-going
children have kindled my interest in exploring ways of integrating
gendered pedagogical initiatives with other disciplinary
initiatives that go into the making of the curriculum that is
taught in the school classroom.
In many ways my concerns also try and explore the perceived impact
of the media on young children and particularly on girls. In the
last few years, two committed organisations have separately put
together workshops in Mumbai on establishing and analysing the
relationship between gender and the media. Being involved in some
measure in both these efforts has afforded me the opportunity to
explore the possibilities offered by alternative pedagogical
perspectives.
Point of View, an organisation committed to showcasing women’s
experiences and philosophies has created an interactive curriculum
which exposes participants to a wide range of representations of
women, thereby challenging the stereotypical definitions of beauty
and enabling them to redefine it for themselves. The six-hour
schedule of this curriculum is meant to get college students to
observe, introspect and debate on their personal perceptions of
women, beauty and the production of sexist imagery by different
forms of mass media through the creative use of art, films,
advertisements and specially created board games. They argue,
“more often than not, advertisements today present a singular
version of beauty, which neither represents nor is achievable for
the majority of women. By bringing the entire subject of beauty
into the consciousness of participants, we hope to empower them to
change their own understanding of what constitutes ‘beauty’.
While doing so, we also aim to enhance participants’ capacities
to critically explore and deconstruct images and representations
manufactured by advertising.” The curriculum is designed for
both young men and women.
The other collective, A Woman’s Place organises ‘Girls’
Media Group’ workshops for XI standard girls. The idea is to
both interrogate the gender-discriminatory image-systems
perpetuated by the media and at the same time produce
counter-texts in the form of mock newspapers, radio and video
documentaries, thus creating a space where participants can
acquire the agency to resist and subvert the homogenising
tendencies of commercially produced and disseminated imagery.
The liberatory potential of such media-based pedagogy has been
discussed recently by Douglas Kellner (2000) who argues that
critical media-involved pedagogy provides students and citizens
with the tools to analyse intelligently how texts are constructed
and in turn helps them construct their own viewer and
reader-positions. He also talks of how “critical media literacy
is empowering, enabling students to become critical producers of
meanings and texts” and helping them “to resist manipulation
and domination”.
One cannot but notice that the experience of being at the
receiving end of a sustained media-onslaught has weakened the
critical defences of most people and on the whole, imageries of
reactionary persuasions have got naturalised in many households.
My interest however is in the abiding impact that this mass
media-boom has had on children. I am however far from suggesting
that children are a passive audience uninvolved in the process of
interpretation. Nor am I suggesting the presence of a homogenous
and monolithic media. However, despite these disclaimers, it is
unfortunately possible to suggest without any undue exaggeration
that media-texts offer a heavily gender-biased worldview that
actively constructs specific and often very defined versions of
masculinity and femininity. These constructions hold within them
imperatives that define appropriate ways of being and becoming a
man or a woman and are linked widely to notions of acceptance in
the larger social world. While these texts are targeted equally at
boys and girls, the implications of non-conformity for girls often
involve a greater number of sanctions and disapproval.
A patriarchally organised, consumeristically produced media sends
multiple signals to young girls that are as contradictory as they
are individually insistent. All kinds of sexual violence: abuse,
harassment, assault, attacks from rejected suitors and rape are
regular news items reminding girls that they constantly face the
threat of sexual danger. The outcomes of criminal cases for rape
are testimony that anything women do or don’t do can be held
against them – even the way we dress, talk, walk and conduct
ourselves in public places. Concurrently, this consumeristic
media-culture broadcasts continuously sexualised images of younger
and younger girls sending the message clearly that to be a
successful ‘upwardly-mobile’ woman, one has to necessarily be
sexually desirable. Among other features, the index of such
‘sexual desirability’ includes body shape (model thin),
clothes (fashionably revealing and risque) and the skilful use of
cosmetics (to become ‘fairer’ among other things). Young girls
then are faced with the impossibility of simultaneously ensuring
both their ‘sexual safety’ and their ‘sexual success’ –
each of which requires very specific and opposing strategies,
strategies which even on their own come without any guarantees,
but which when taken together can only ensure the kind of
anxieties that keep psychologists in business.
Using illustrations offered in other contexts (in this case, in
the United States), I have sought to make a case for designing
gendered pedagogic practices aimed at adolescent girls and boys in
Indian cities. Mary Pipher in Reviving Ophelia (1995)
argues that we live in a looks-obsessed, media-saturated,
“girl-poisoning” culture. Despite the ostensible acceptance of
gender-equity as an important area of address by most public
institutions, escalating levels of sexism and violence (ranging
from deliberate discrimination by undervaluing intelligence and
achievement to severe sexual harassment) cause girls to stifle
their creative spirit and natural impulses, which in the long run,
contributes to the ultimate dissolution of their self-esteem.
Lauren Greenfield writes about growing up in Los Angles where it
is “not cool to be a kid” and everything seems to be in Fast
Forward (1999). She talks of how media-imagery totally
determines perceptions of realities and dominates the imagination.
In Girl Culture (2002), Greenfield chronicles
photographically a deeply disturbing account of the
stress-inducing pre-occupation that girls develop about weight,
sports and sexuality. Joan Jacobs Brumberg in The Body Project (1997)
examines how the changing social values in America have impacted
adolescent girls’ perceptions of their own bodies. She suggests
that girls see their bodies as a “message board” and goes on
to make an impassioned case for “girl advocacy” and cites the
need to “initiate a larger multigenerational dialogue” arguing
that it is time to talk “about the ways in which American
girlhood has changed” and discuss “what girls must have to
ensure a safe and creative future”.
Although Pipher, Greenfield and Brumberg locate their work in the
United States, the reality for the middle-class Indian urban
adolescent girl is not as different as it may have been, say, five
decades ago. As she has to continuously negotiate with several
intersecting and awkwardly co-existing strains of tradition and
modernity in her everyday life, the pressures are probably more
complexly overwhelming. As a more aggressive global visual culture
emerges out of a trans-national transfer of images, icons,
fashions and lifestyles and is offered for skewed consumption to
diverse constituencies, distant worlds and world-views start
camping on our doorstep and the anxieties to conform only
multiply, creating situations that are distressingly replete with
cultural ironies and pathos. Even as we struggle to combat
poverty-based chronic malnutrition in adolescent girls of lower
income families, we are simultaneously confronted with concerns
regarding the increase in chronic dieting-based anaemia (even
anorexia and bulimia) in girls from more affluent families.
Like Pipher, Greenfield and Brumberg, I too believe that it is
adolescent girls who are more urgently at risk in comparison to
boys. However, designing a gender-based programme to interrogate
the new ideals of femininity must necessarily involve a
concomitant inquiry into the construction of the extended ideals
of masculinity. It is not enough to address adolescent girls, we
also need to talk to adolescent boys in keeping with the larger
vision of critical feminist pedagogy, which incorporates multiple
voices and perspectives and highlights the virtues of
collaborative learning.
The question now is about how to address this extremely
heterogeneous and often unknown group of adolescents. Where do we
find a voice that is not unnecessarily shrill but is nonetheless
compelling enough to ensure that young girls and boys are provided
with the confidence to decode mediatic stimuli and imagery so that
they may respond to it with a greater level of honesty,
independence and self-assurance?
Instead of combating media-promoted worldviews with acts of
selective censorship, one needs to help create spaces where
critically liberating and tentative visions of the world can grow:
tentative because one knows that any vision that presents itself
as the solution has the potential to become dogmatic and
oppressive. What we need complementarily then are not only more
insightful politico-semiotic critiques of the media but also
concrete strategies and suggestions regarding how to communicate
to adolescents the viability of other possible choices they can
make and explore.
A pedagogical programme which hopes to address these possibilities
would necessarily include a mixture of games, exercises,
discussions and films designed to elicit a more engaged
recognition and appreciation from the participants of the
ideologically constructed reality of all visions. Exploring in
stages the determining factors behind our socialisation into
assuming gendered roles, it would try and use the biographies of
the participants themselves as a kind of a rough and ready
template to base and guide our collective explorations of these
operational socio-historical processes. The constitution of
Indianness in a communally-vitiated environment and the
obviousness of our heterogeneously produced cosmopolitan
identities would serve as ways of furthering a discussion about
the layered realities that we inhabit in various modes in
different civil society-spaces. One hopes that such a discussion
will unravel strategies which would help the students to negotiate
with more complex and comprehensive models of participatory
citizenship and vigilant consumership for the 21st
century. The greater idea behind such an initiative would be to
come up with pedagogical schedules that are progressively more
inclusive, extend the enquiry beyond the classroom and most
importantly address the interventionist needs of participants
across diverse class-memberships.
As preliminary thoughts about some of the requisites for a more
radicalised pedagogical initiative, these propositions need to be
integrated at various levels with our formally structured
learning-systems. That the task is of great urgency and requires
new interpretation of modes and models of intimate learning
systems is beyond any doubt: it poses a challenge for all teachers
who want to think, plan and effect a future which believes in
putting justice before every other virtue.
[i]
As more and more high school syllabi are restructured
according to the dictates and requirements of the Hindu Right
in India, the concern over what I choose to call ‘motivated
knowledge’ only increases as the ostensibly ‘impartial’
state educational apparatus is seen being used with impunity
for the purposes of strategic indoctrination about a
saffronised world-view especially in disciplines like History.
|